Hamas must be brought to the table
Where I live, optimism is often treated as a certifiable
condition. But a recent meeting with Hamas leaders gives me hope for the
future.
Long cast (sometimes with good reason) as narrow-minded and doctrinaire, the elected
government of Gaza
has begun to emerge from its bunker mentality and engage with the outside
world. Israeli military strategists take credit for the shift. They want us to
believe that last winter's massive attack, which left nearly 1,500 dead and
caused billions of dollars in damage, broke the Islamic movement's will to
resist.
Despite claims made by these theologians of brute force, it's actually an open
hand rather than a closed fist that has made the difference. President Barack Obama has
reached out to the Muslim world in a spirit of genuine reciprocity. Hamas takes
seriously the words he uttered in Cairo: "There must be a sustained effort
to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and
to seek common ground."
Two months after this historic speech, Hamas continues to wait for Washington
to follow up words with deeds. Yet various well-informed Americans I have met
during their visits to Gaza tell me that the ball is in the Hamas court. They
say dialogue won't happen unless Hamas makes the first move and gives Mr. Obama something that he can sell politically.
I can understand the logic. Well-organized "pro-Israel" lobbying
groups in the U.S.
mock Mr. Obama as dangerously naïve. To rebut charges
he's cozying up to terrorists, he needs to show that he's negotiating hard and
extracting concessions from Hamas.
For its part, Hamas feels that it has already offered a great deal. "We've
agreed to accept the 1967 borders, which leaves us with only 22 percent of
historic Palestine,"
a Hamas minister told me. "But every time we compromise, we're seen as
weak and asked to bargain away more."
This stand-off threatens to become a default mode - accomplishing nothing - for
both sides. The task at hand is to work out a deal that would help build mutual
confidence while giving Mr. Obama the momentum he
needs to push ahead in his efforts to freeze and then dismantle settlements.
The Obama administration could break the impasse
through intervening on an issue of critical importance to Hamas: the continued
imprisonment of its democratically elected parliamentarians. Following the
Hamas win in the 2006 legislative race, which independent observers certified
as free and fair, Israel arrested 52 of these victorious candidates. Such
blatant disregard for the rule of law helped empower those within Hamas who
argued that violence was the only language that Israel understood.
Just as Israel received blessings from the Bush administration to expand
settlements, so did it receive a green light to lock up Hamas politicians. Mr. Obama has
disassociated the U.S. from the first policy. He should now disown the second.
In return for the release of the 36 parliamentarians still imprisoned, Hamas
should pledge publicly to a package agreement that includes a total ban on
attacks on Israeli civilians and an across-the-board cease-fire for five years.
This will allow peace to put down roots and create space for the conflicting
parties to negotiate a final-status solution.
Mr. Obama's eloquence, intelligence and decency are
helping to regenerate a Middle East landscape ruined during the eight previous
years of misrule. Current Middle East envoy George Mitchell brokered a historic
peace deal for Northern Ireland by including Sinn Fein in the negotiations. Mr.
Obama can break the looming logjam with a similar
step. Action that brings Hamas to the table is vital, or else the good will
resulting from the Cairo speech will dissipate as naysayers conclude that the
American president, despite his fine words, is every bit as incapable of
bucking congressional critics and the Israel lobby as his predecessors.
http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/opinion/oped/bal-op.gaza03aug03,0,7434487.story